「机翻看世界」
做为新译科技的小栏目，顾名思义，就是希望通过新译科技的最前沿的翻译技术和机器翻译产品做为小小窗口，将世界各角落的新闻、科技、社会领域的新鲜资讯，准确而极速流畅地翻译给各位看官。
尽享世界鲜活资讯的乐趣，尽享新译机器翻译的便捷体验！
以下是本期精选
注：原文来自「互联网」，新译科技仅供快速译文参考，不代表新译科技的观点和立场
What’s the Biggest Test Trump Will Face in 2017？
2017 年特朗普面临的最大考验是什么？
“It is going to be so easy.” Those were the words candidate Donald Trump used in October, imagining a future where he, as president, would replace the Affordable Care Act with something “great.”
“这将会很容易” 这些词是候选人特朗普在 10 月份使用的， 想象着一个未来， 他作为总统， 将用“ 伟大的东西 ”代替“ 支付得起的医疗法案。 ”
In reality, no presidency is easy—the office’s unique role at home and around the world assures that. To be president is to face an unending barrage of problems emanating from an unimaginably vast array of topics.
事实上， 没有总统职位很容易——该办公室在国内和全世界的独特作用。要成为总统， 将面临一系列不可避免的问题。
In less than three weeks’ time, Donald Trump will be sworn in as president. What are the biggest challenges that await him? At the dawn of a new year and new presidency, we asked 20 top thinkers in various fields. Here’s what they said.
在不到三周的时间里，特朗普将宣誓就任总统。等待他的最大挑战是什么 ？ 在新的一年和新总统任期的来临之际， 我们向 20 位不同领域的高级思想家提出了挑战。
‘Revolutionary states’ and ‘Islamic extremist organizations’
“革命国家” 和 “伊斯兰极端主义组织”
General David Petraeus (U.S. Army, Ret.) commanded U.S. Central Command and coalition forces during the surges in Iraq and Afghanistan, after which he served as director of the CIA. He is now a partner with the global investment firm KKR and chairman of the KKR Global Institute, a Judge Widney Professor at USC, and a Senior Fellow at Harvard University’s Belfer Center.
大卫 · 彼得雷乌斯将军 （ 美国军队） 在伊拉克和阿富汗的 surges 中指挥中央司令部和联军， 之后他担任中央情报局局长。他现在是全球投资公司 Kkr 和 Kkr 全球研究所的主席、是 USC 的 Widney 法官教授和哈佛大学贝尔费尔中心的高级研究员。
Two broad categories of threats will likely present the principal security challenges to President Trump and his administration in the year ahead:
两类广泛的威胁可能会给特朗普总统和他在未来一年中的政府带来主要的安全挑战：
First, the administration will have to contend with the aggressive actions of the four most prominent “revolutionary states” (i.e. those not satisfied with the status quo)—Iran, Russia, North Korea and China.
首先， 政府必须应对四个最突出的 “革命国家” （ 即那些对现状不满意的国家 ）——伊朗，俄罗斯，朝鲜，中国的侵略行为。
Second, the president and his team will have to deal with continued terrorist activities of Islamic extremist organizations—the Islamic State and Al Qaeda and their affiliates—not just in the Middle East, but also in parts of Africa, Central Asia and the Asia-Pacific region. Moreover, terrorist attacks will undoubtedly continue to present significant challenges for our allies and partners around the world, especially in western Europe, while the threat of further attacks in the homeland will continue, as well.
其次， 总统和他的团队必须处理伊斯兰极端主义组织继续开展的恐怖活动， 伊斯兰国家和基地组织及其附属组织不仅在中东， 而且在非洲、中亚和亚太地区的部分地区进行恐怖活动。此外， 恐怖主义袭击无疑将继续为我们在全世界、特别是西欧的盟友和伙伴提出重大挑战， 同时也将继续对祖国进行进一步袭击的威胁。
Inevitably, U.S. leadership will be required in responding to each of these challenges—though we should always seek as many partners as possible and ensure the host nation does as much as it can, too. Furthermore, we will have to recognize that, in most cases, comprehensive, rather than narrowly limited, strategies will be required. Finally, because many of these challenges will undoubtedly be generational in duration, the policies crafted will have to be sustainable, minimizing the cost in blood and in treasure.
不可避免地， 美国在应对这些挑战的每一个方面都必须发挥领导作用， 尽管我们应该尽可能多地寻求尽可能多的伙伴， 确保东道国也能做到这一点。此外， 我们必须认识到， 在大多数情况下， 将需要全面而非狭隘的战略。最后， 由于这些挑战中的许多挑战无疑将会延续， 因此制定的政策必须是可持续的， 最大限度地降低血液和财富的成本。
It goes without saying that none of this will be easy.
不言而喻， 这一切都不容易。
Washington’s ‘deep capacity to resist change’
华盛顿抵制变革的能力
Newt Gingrich is the former Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives.
纽特金里奇是美国众议院前发言人。
The greatest challenge to the Trump presidency will come when the Cabinet realizes how deep the capacity to resist change is built into the Washington system. The combination of bureaucratic entrenchment, old laws, thousands of regulations, lawyers filing lawsuits for delay, armies of lobbyists protecting their interests, the diversity of influence and opinion in the Congress, the hostility and confusion of the news media, the negativity of the think tank world, all will be pressures against bold change.
当内阁认识到抵抗变革的能力深深建设在华盛顿体系中时， 特朗普总统的最大挑战就会到来。官僚的固守、老法律、数千条法规、律师提起诉讼延迟、游说者们保护他们的利益、对国会的影响和意见的多样性、新闻媒体的敌意和混乱、思想库世界的消极， 都是对大胆变革的压力。
At that point the cabinet of winners and achievers will face its core crisis: Does it concede the inevitability of the old order surviving and shrink its ambitions to meet Washington's standards, or does it take all its collective talent and resources and blow the old order apart?
在这一点上， 赢家和成功者的内阁将面临其核心危机： 它是否承认旧秩序的不可避免， 并缩减其野心， 以满足华盛顿的标准， 还是把所有的集体天赋和资源分散在一起，并摧毁旧秩序 ？
The key decision will probably come in March or April. The result will define the Trump presidency’s role in American history.
关键的决定可能是在 3 月或 4 月。这一结果将界定特朗普总统在美国历史上的作用。
‘The major cleavage within his coalition’
“联盟内的主要分裂”
Neera Tanden is the president and CEO of the Center for American Progress and the Center for American Progress Action Fund.
Neera Tanden 是美国进步中心和美国进步行动基金的中心主席兼首席执行官。
Trump’s biggest challenge will be addressing the major cleavage within his coalition of supporters: those who supported him because he was aligned with traditional Republican policies, and those who supported him because he wasn’t. He garnered a percentage of people who voted for Obama twice in part because he wasn’t a traditional Republican; indeed, he often attacked the leadership of the Republican Party. However, now he’s attached himself to Republicans in Congress with an agenda that many opposed.
特朗普最大的挑战将是解决其支持者联盟内部的主要分歧： 那些支持他的人， 因为他与传统的共和党政策相一致， 支持他的人是因为他不在。他获得了一定比例的选民两次投票支持奥巴马， 部分原因是他不是一个传统的共和党人； 事实上， 他经常抨击共和党的领导层。然而， 现在他在国会中加入了许多人反对的议程。
Even on an issue like health care this has profound consequences. Trump promised to repeal and replace health care together. His voters relied on that promise. Like so many Americans, millions of Trump supporters rely on the Affordable Care Act, and they believed Trump when he said he would protect their health insurance. As one of his supporters in Kentucky said recently, “If he don’t come across like he promised [on health care], he’s not gonna be there next time. Not if I can help it.” But now Congress is on the precipice of repealing the ACA without any replacement for years, throwing our health care system into chaos, inciting a potential market collapse and threatening to leave more than 20 million Americans without coverage—including many of Trump’s own voters.
即使在健康护理这类问题上也会产生深远影响。特朗普承诺将废除和取代医疗保健。他的选民依靠这一承诺。就像许多美国人一样， 数以百万计的特朗普支持者依赖负担得起的照管法案， 而他们相信特朗普说他将保护他们的健康保险。就像他在 kentucky 基州的一个支持者说， “如果他不像他承诺的那样[医疗保健]，他下次不会到那儿去。如果我能帮忙的话， 他就不会了。”但现在国会正在酝酿中， 废除 aca 而不进行任何替代， 使我们的医疗体系陷入混乱， 煽动潜在的市场崩溃， 并威胁到超过 2, 000 万美国人， 而不包括许多特朗普的选民。
Many of his own voters didn't expect him to blindly follow Congress, and when he does so, they will balk.
他的许多选民自己不盲目跟随他到国会， 但他这样做时， 他们会犹豫。
‘The acute lack of trust … in our country’s leaders’
“在我国领导人中极度缺乏信任”
Jon Huntsman is the chairman of the Atlantic Council, a former U.S. ambassador to China and Singapore, and former governor of Utah.
Jon Hhuntsman 是大西洋委员会主席， 前美国驻中国和新加坡大使， utah 前州长。
America’s most corrosive threat and therefore greatest challenge for President Trump to begin addressing in 2017 is the acute lack of trust the American people currently have in our country’s leaders. If no progress is made on the core issues that have direct impact on the lives of every American—job growth, expanded economic opportunity and a secure homeland—our trust deficit will skyrocket. This type of deficit is far more debilitating than a financial one, as it tears apart the very fabric of civil society and degrades the functioning of our democracy.
美国最具腐蚀性的威胁， 因此在 2017 年开始应对的最大挑战是， 美国人民目前在我国领导人中缺乏信任。如果无法取得进展， 解决的核心问题， 直接影响到每一个人的生活 — — 美国的就业增长， 扩大经济机会和安全的家园 — — 我们的 “信任赤字” 问题就会更多。这类赤字远远多于一个财政赤字， 因为它撕裂了民间社会的结构， 削弱了我们民主的运作。
President Trump has a unique opportunity to reset confidence in our political process, institutions and leadership—efforts that will be critical to achieving real progress for our country, thus also enhancing America's credibility and stature at a time of historic global uncertainty.
特朗普总统有一个独特的机会， 可以重新树立对我们的政治进程、机构和领导才能的信心， 这对于实现我国真正的进展至关重要， 从而也在历史的全球不确定之时增强了美国的信誉和地位。
‘Learn[ing] to govern in a democracy’
“学习民主执政”
Tom Daschle is the former majority leader of the U.S. Senate, and the founder of the Daschle Group.
Tom Daschle 是前美国参议院多数党领袖， 也是达施勒集团的创始人。
The next four years is likely to be the most disruptive of our lifetimes. President-elect Trump will likely face greater challenges than any president since Franklin Roosevelt. Perhaps his most important challenge will be to learn to govern in a democracy with a healthy and historic respect for the rule of law. His ability to do this well will determine the fate of our institutions of governance, perhaps in perpetuity.
未来四年可能是我们一生中最具破坏性的一年。特朗普当选总统， 可能会面临更大挑战比任何总统自富兰克林罗斯福以来。也许， 他最重要的挑战是要学会用健康和历史性的尊重法治的民主治理民主。他这样做的能力将决定我们的治理机构的命运， 也许是永久的。
Beyond governance, there is a probability he will face the real threat of a major crisis generated from the use of a weapon of mass destruction—bio, cyber or nuclear—either within the United States or somewhere in the world. His test of leadership will be the quality of his response using all of the resources available to us under these tragic circumstances.
除了治理之外， 他有可能面临在美国或世界任何地方使用大规模毁灭性武器 — — 生物、网络或核武器库产生的重大危机的真正威胁。他的领导能力测试将是他在这些悲惨情况下利用我们所掌握的所有资源作出回应的质量。
‘Getting anything done’
做任何事
Kori Schake is a fellow at the Hoover Institution. She formerly served as director for defense strategy and requirements on the National Security Council staff, and as deputy director for policy planning in the State Department of the George W. Bush administration.
Kori Schake 是胡佛研究所的研究员。她以前担任国防战略和国家安全理事会工作人员主任， 乔治 · 布什政府国务院政策规划副主任。
Donald Trump’s biggest challenge in 2017 will be getting anything done. For all his criticism of President Obama, Donald Trump shares many of his predecessor’s most self-defeating executive characteristics: a near-messianic belief in their personal ability to produce outcomes, dramatic under-estimation of the extent to which the American system of governance is designed to do nothing absent broad political cooperation, under-investment in Congressional relationships that translate policy into law, and deep reliance on a White House staff of campaign people.
唐纳德• 特朗普在 2017 年面临的最大挑战将是什么。在他对奥巴马总统的批评中，唐纳德· 特朗普 (Donald Trtrump) 分享许多前任最具自我的执行特点： 一个近乎弥赛亚的人对产生结果的个人能力所抱有的信念； 美国的治理体系被设计为在不存在广泛的政治合作、将政策转化为法律的国会关系中投资不足， 以及对竞选者的白宫工作人员深表依赖。
The first year of most presidential administrations is mildly chaotic as senior political appointees work their way through the confirmation process, lay hands on cabinet departments, and meld into a leadership team while the chief executive learns the true dimensions of the job. The first year of the Trump administration is likely to be chaotic on an epic scale, with cabinet secretaries inexperienced at governance, White House staffers battling departments over policy direction, Congressional Republicans wary that Trump shares their ideology and looking to protect their brand from his worst excesses, intelligence politicized and non-stop media revelations of conflicts of interest. As we have already seen with Trump salvos about defense procurements, the processes of evaluating policies, building consensus and effectively carrying out decisions are all likely to be repeatedly up-ended, preempted by the president’s preferred forms of instantaneous and direct communication. Companies whose market value are negatively affected and states like California that disavow policies may seek legal recourse, tangling decisions further.
大多数总统执政的第一年是有点混乱， 因为高级政治任命人员通过确认程序进行工作，接手内阁各部门， 并在首席执行官学习实际工作规模的同时， 进入领导团队。第一年， 特朗普政府可能混乱史诗级的规模， 与内阁部长们缺乏经验的治理下， 白宫工作人员奋战在部门政策的方向， 国会中的共和党人担心特朗普共享他们的意识形态和寻找保护自己的品牌从他最恶劣的暴行， 情报政治化和非停止媒体披露利益冲突。正如我们已经看到的关于国防采购的 特朗普礼炮， 评估政策、建立共识和有效执行决策的过程都可能会反复出现， 这是总统首选的即时和直接沟通方式所青睐的。市场价值受到不利影响的公司和像加州这样不接受政策的州，可能会寻求法律追索权， 并进一步让决策处于混乱。
All of which is even before the administration gets blasted by the cold winds of economics and geopolitics, and those, too, are likely to be a bracing reality.
所有这一切甚至在政府受到经济和地缘政治的寒冷之风冲击之前， 也可能是一个支撑现实。
‘The next recession’
“下一次经济衰退”
Jared Bernstein is a senior fellow at the Center On Budget and Policy Priorities and former chief economist and economic adviser to Vice President Joe Biden.
Jared Bernstein 是预算和政策优先事项中心的高级研究员， 前首席经济学家和副总统 joe 的经济顾问。
No one knows when the next recession will occur, but when it does, there’s a good chance the Trump administration will not be well positioned to implement measures to offset its impact.
没有人知道下一次经济衰退何时会发生， 但是当它确实存在的时候， 特朗普政府将有很好的机会实施抵消其影响的措施。
The two main tools against recession are countercyclical monetary and fiscal policy. The former, run by the Federal Reserve, mainly involves lower interest rates. But there’s a good chance that when the next recession hits, the interest rate the Fed controls will still be quite low, meaning they may not be able to help as much as they have in past downturns.
反对衰退的两个主要工具是反周期货币和财政政策。前者由美联储管理， 主要涉及较低的利率。但是当下一次衰退来临的时候， 美联储控制的利率仍然很低， 这意味着他们可能无法像以往那样在经济衰退中有所帮助。
That leaves fiscal policy. Yes, there are automatic responders to recession, like unemployment insurance and SNAP (food stamps), but herein lies two problems facing the new administration: First, Republicans are already making noises about turning these vital countercyclical programs into “block grants”—fixed funding amounts that do not respond to increased need in recession. Second, it’s entirely possible that an administration focused on tax cuts, deregulation and repealing Obamacare, will not be interested in implementing the discretionary fiscal support that is so important in combating recessions. This possibility is exacerbated in a situation where “fiscal space” has been diminished by a big tax cut.
这就是财政政策。是的， 有自动的经济衰退， 如失业保险和SNAP（ 食品券 ）， 但在此， 新的管理面临两个问题： 首先， 共和党人已经在发出关于将这些重要的反周期方案转变为 “区块赠款” 的噪音， 这使得在衰退中需要增加的资金数额没有得到反应。其次， 政府完全有可能把重点放在减税、放松管制和废除奥巴马政府的政策上， 也不会有兴趣在打击经济衰退中发挥重要作用。这种可能性在 “财政空间” 因大幅减税而减少的情况下加剧。
The next recession is out there somewhere and the combination of the Trump administration and this Congressional majority may well be unprepared to deal with it.
下一次经济衰退将会出现在某个地方， 将是特朗普政府和国会多数党的组合。
‘The Republicans in the House’
“白宫里的共和党人”
Cokie Roberts is a political commentator for NPR and ABC News.
科基 罗伯特 是 NPR 和 ABC 新闻的政治人物。
Trump’s biggest challenge is likely to come from the Republicans in the House. Two-thirds of them were elected in the Tea Party class of 2010 or later, have no experience in crafting legislation and have shown precious little interest in doing so.
特朗普最大的挑战可能来自众议院的共和党。其中有三分之二的人是在 2010 年或以后的茶党班当选的， 在制定法律方面没有任何经验， 对这样做的兴趣却很少。
Their time in office has been characterized by a government shutdown, the repeated attempts at repeal of Obamacare and their threats to allow the nation to default on its debt. Following the lead of Disrupter-in-Chief Ted Cruz, they shout that compromise is just another word for corruption.
他们在办公室里的时间以政府关闭为特点， 反复尝试废除奥巴马医改和他们的威胁， 允许国家债务违约。继科鲁兹 (Ted / Cruz)领导下， 他们高呼妥协只是腐败的另一个词。
If the president-elect wants to achieve his legislative goals like replacing Obamacare and building infrastructure he would be wise to consult with the men in his party who know how to get bills passed: Bob Dole, John Boehner, Orrin Hatch. All endorsed Trump and stuck with him—at least in part to thwart their nemesis Cruz—and all know the true art of the congressional deal.
如果当选总统想要实现他的立法目标， 比如取代奥巴马医改和建设基础设施， 他将明智的与那些知道如何通过法案的人进行磋商： 鲍勃 · 多尔、约翰 · 布拉德利、奥林 hatch。所有支持特朗普和支持他至少部分阻止他们的对手Cruz都知道国会处理真正的艺术。
（未完待续）
